Now that we have discussed the need and utility that private military companies (PMC) serve for the US, we will also go ahead and assume that the same largely holds true for many developed countries where maintaining an expensive military is not palatable to their voting public. Additionally, it also holds true that citizens of countries are not going to be too happy about having their military service members killed in action overseas, especially if the conflict is unpopular domestically for whatever reason it may be.
But developed countries are not the only ones that hire PMCs. Developing countries, and more specifically countries with an “unreliable” security environment present a security gap that PMCs are able to fill. There are two kinds of “unreliable” security environments that demonstrates that PMCs are double edged swords. But before we start that, I will briefly discuss the nature of the international system.
The international relations system is about self-preservation.
Regardless of whichever theoretical construct of international relations you subscribe to (i.e. realism, liberalism, marxism, etc.), one cannot deny that every country strives for self-preservation in the international system. But it is more specific than a country, it is the state (the government of a country) that seeks to survive in an international system where a world government does not exist. This is called anarchy, or in political theory terms: the state of nature.
In such a scenario, even with the idea of collective security, where countries form alliances to help each other in dire times, there is no guarantee that such help will come when it is necessary. Why countries might not come to the aid of an ally is a subject of another discussion but I’m fairly certain it is obvious that this happens.
The UN’s role in providing a platform for collective security among member states is embodied in the UN Charter, where in the event of a conflict, the issue is to be referred to the UN Security Council (UNSC) and a course of action to end it is supposed to be determined and carried out by the member states. It must be understood that the UN is not a world government and that there are other intergovernmental organizations (IGO) that are designed for collective security.
But this leads us into the first “edge” of that sword.
PMCs as guarantors of state survival.
The best example in contemporary times that demonstrates what happens when collective security fails and PMCs step in to help in dire times is the Sierra Leone conflict (1991-2002).
When the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) started their rebellion in Sierra Leone, the Sierra Leonean state was not only caught by surprise, its security forces had already been hollowed out by the kleptocratic regime of Siaka Stevens and the system of patronage. As a result, the RUF rebellion spread quickly and virtually unchecked. The Sierra Leonean state, after not only failing to stop the RUF but also failing at protecting its civilian population, was in danger of losing Sierra Leone to the RUF.
President Valentine Strasser did exactly what he was supposed to do: he requested the support of the UN to help in stopping the rebellion by the RUF. And the UNSC did nothing. Well not exactly nothing, the UNSC simply left the regional organization, the Economic Community of West Africa States to respond with their combined armed forces called the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group (ECOMOG). The ECOMOG also proved to be insufficient in stopping the RUF. So, conflict raged on fueled by blood diamonds, while the most capable militaries that would be able to stop the conflict were not obligated to act.
Who else was the Sierra Leonean state to turn to? By not taking any effective action on the RUF rebellion, the UN and the international community forced the Sierra Leonean state to rely on whoever would come to their aid: PMCs, specifically Executive Outcomes (EO). EO brought with it a host of problems but it did beat back the RUF to the borders of Sierra Leone. The rest of the Sierra Leone conflict and details as to what led to it can be found in Lansana Gberie’s book: A Dirty War in West Africa: The RUF and the Destruction of Sierra Leone.
The point is that PMCs are a useful tool for states to have when their own security apparatus fails, and with no guarantee that collective security IGOs will come to their aid, it is a tool that states will want to have available. This is the one of two “unreliable” security scenarios where PMCs can fill the void.
The suppression of self-determination.
The second “unreliable” security scenario, or the other “edge” is when a state cannot rely on its military to suppress the will of its people. You don’t have to look hard to see where this is taking place. You can look at Libya and see how Qadaffi had purposely kept the military weak to prevent them from conducting a coup, and instead relies on paramilitary forces and mercenaries (REF: BBC | Libya: Who is propping up Gaddafi?).
Or Bahrain, where Pakistani freelancers are part of the Bahraini security forces which were used to suppress the pro-democracy protesters there (REF: Newsweek Pakistan | Bahrain or Bust? Pakistan should think twice before meddling in the Middle East).
Or Saudi Arabia, where the Saudi National Guard (SANG) serves as a special praetorian guard for the House of Al-Saud from coups, but importantly to guard against dissidents, as they did during the seizure of the Grand Mosque in Mecca. The SANG is trained by an American PMC called Vinnell Corporation, a subsidiary of Northrop Grumann (REF: Northrop Grumman Confirms Nine Employees Killed In Saudi Arabia Terrorist Attack). The effects of this and other factors will be covered at a later date when discussing terrorism.
The function of Erik Prince’s new PMC Reflex Responses will be the same in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). In the original reporting by the New York Times, the tasks of Reflex Responses does include
“crowd-control operations” where the crowd “is not armed with firearms but does pose a risk using improvised weapons (clubs and stones).”
People involved in the project and American officials said that the Emiratis were interested in deploying the battalion to respond to terrorist attacks and put down uprisings inside the country’s sprawling labor camps, which house the Pakistanis, Filipinos and other foreigners who make up the bulk of the country’s work force.*
(REF: New York Times | Secret Desert Force Set Up by Blackwater’s Founder).
It might be easy to say that in this case, the country’s workforce are not citizens so it is not about suppressing self-determination and pro-democracy movements. The first statement does not specify enough to exclude citizens. The second statement is also troubling. Any cursory research on the working conditions of imported labor in the Gulf region will show that allegations of worker exploitation is not uncommon. Is Reflex Responses going to be used to suppress complaints and enforce exploitation? Worst case scenario, enforce modern day form of slavery?
It is interesting that responding to terrorist attacks is one of the tasks that Reflex Responses is supposedly going to cover. But how do we delineate when an uprising is terrorism or not? Will that be up to them or UAE? Considering who is paying, it is likely that Reflex Responses will define the problem as it suits their clients (remember the how PMCs are driven by profit first and foremost?).
Examining both “unreliable” security environments, you can see that PMCs really are double edged swords and it will come down to determining how to regulate them for the purpose of improving international security without supressing self-determination.
Filed under: Conflict, Governance, Bahrain, Collective Sercurity, Erik Prince, Exploitation, freelancers, Lansana Gberie, Libya, Northrup Grumann, Pakistan, PMC, PMSC, Private Military Companies, Private Security Companies, Reflex Responses, SANG, Saudi National Guard, Security, Sierra Leone, UN, United Arab Emirates, Vinnell
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